On September 27, Merhaf Al-Na’san, head of internal security in Homs Governorate, announced the targeting of a parked vehicle prepared for smuggling in the Qusayr area near the Lebanese border. Security forces seized RPGs, mortars, and 12.5 mm machine guns inside the vehicle.
A field investigation identified the shipment’s origin and storage site, leading to the confiscation of 200 additional Grad missiles and the pursuit of those involved.
Such news has become routine since the fall of Assad’s regime last December, and the takeover of Hezbollah’s former stronghold by Syria’s new government. The area, once a major corridor for smuggling weapons and drugs—especially Captagon—has seen dozens of seizures by internal security forces.
The region has repeatedly turned into a battleground between both countries, with armed clashes between Syrian forces and tribes linked to Hezbollah involved in smuggling. Tensions nearly escalated into direct military conflict between the two national armies, until a joint security coordination agreement was reached to control borders and smuggling routes.
Hezbollah, whose leadership was targeted and infrastructure destroyed by Israel, lost its most vital Iranian arms artery—stretching from Iraq through Syria to Lebanon—with Assad’s fall.
However, the new Syrian government has not been welcomed by Israel, which launched dozens of airstrikes, violated Syrian airspace, and conducted daily incursions—confiscating land, demolishing property, and killing and detaining civilians. Israel also backed an outlawed Druze militia in Suwayda last July and bombed government forces killing dozens of Syrian armes and security personnel, attempting to reclaim the province.
Israel’s aggression didn’t stop there. At least three Israeli ministers incited the assassination of Syrian President Ahmad Al-Shar’a. Israeli jets bombed the General Staff building in central Damascus and twice struck near the presidential palace—actions repeatedly described by Al-Shar’a as “acts of war.”
President Al-Shar’a insists that negotiations leading to a security agreement are the only path forward, but talks have stalled due to Israeli demands seen as infringing on Syrian sovereignty.
With diplomatic efforts failing, the Syrian government may resort to a minimal military plan—even without direct confrontation with Israel’s superior forces.
Given the ongoing Hezbollah-Israel conflict, Syria might exploit the situation by discreetly allowing some weapons shipments to reach Hezbollah, like the one seized yesterday.
This would avoid direct Syrian involvement, distract Israel in southern Lebanon, and pit two adversaries against each other. However, it risks damaging official ties with Lebanon if its government confirms Syria’s deliberate negligence in stopping arms it seeks to dismantle.
In today’s climate of Netanyahu’s regional belligerence, the old adage “the enemy of my enemy is my friend” may be more relevant than ever.
Hezbollah’s bloody legacy in Syria—through its military support for Assad—left deep wounds. Yet with its threat to Syria now contained, and its forces cornered in Lebanon between Israeli strikes and Lebanese army pressure, a narrow window opens for Syria to leverage the situation against a far more dangerous enemy.
Turning a blind eye to one or two shipments out of ten could give Syria a strategic edge—empowering Hezbollah just enough to trouble Israel, without endangering Syrian territory again. Will the Syrian government seize the moment?
✍️ Syria news report



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